By Beto Cremonte, Professor, Social Communication and Journalism teacher, graduate of UNLP
The current conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo cannot be understood without examining its historical background. The M23, Rwanda, Paul Kagame and the various external actors, in addition to the natural resources of the DRC, are all part of it.
The recent offensive by the M23 rebel group in Goma, the capital of North Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), has rekindled historic tensions and highlighted the interference of external actors in African conflicts. This crisis is not just a confrontation between local groups but is part of a complex geopolitical game involving various powers with strategic interests in the region. According to recent estimates, more than 200,000 people have been displaced due to the fighting, worsening the humanitarian crisis in a region already facing high levels of food insecurity and violence.
The M23, Rwanda and the echoes of the 1994 genocide
The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo cannot be understood without examining the historical background that preceded it. One of the most defining events was the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed over a 100-day period. Following the victory of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Paul Kagame, hundreds of thousands of Hutus, including former members of the genocidal Interahamwe militias and the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR), fled to eastern Congo, triggering a series of conflicts that led to the Congo Wars (1996–1997 and 1998–2003).
Paul Kagame, who has ruled Rwanda since the end of the genocide, has been a key player in regional politics. His government has intervened in the DRC on several occasions under the pretext of ensuring Rwanda’s security and eliminating the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group composed in part of remnants of the genocide. However, multiple reports have noted that Rwanda has used these conflicts to exploit eastern Congo’s mineral resources, especially coltan and gold, which are critical to the global economy.
Rwanda’s presence in the Congolese conflict has also been reflected in its support for the M23, a group composed mainly of Congolese Tutsis who claim to be fighting discrimination by the Kinshasa government. However, their actions have been marked by war crimes, forced displacement and human rights violations. It is estimated that the M23 has displaced more than 200,000 people in recent months, deepening the humanitarian crisis in North Kivu.
In addition to the geopolitical and economic component, ethnic division has been used as a tool of war in the region. The historical rivalry between Hutus and Tutsis, exacerbated by Belgian colonialism, which imposed a racial hierarchy in Rwanda, remains a factor of tension that transcends borders. In the DRC, this division has generated clashes between communities and has served as a pretext for intervention by Rwanda and Uganda, both countries with strategic interests in the region.
The continuing conflict in eastern Congo demonstrates that the 1996-2003 war, known as “Africa’s Great War” due to the involvement of multiple countries, never reached a definitive resolution. Instability in the region is fueled by impunity for past crimes, a lack of governability in the DRC, and persistent foreign interference in pursuit of economic and political gain.
March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group that has operated in eastern DRC for more than a decade, with a history of insurgency and shifting alliances. Its resurgence and the speed with which it has seized strategic positions have called into question the stability of the Congolese government. Rwanda has repeatedly been singled out as a key player in this conflict, with accusations of logistical and military support for the M23. It is estimated that up to 4,000 Rwandan soldiers have operated inside the DRC, which has escalated diplomatic tensions between the two countries.
Economically, the North Kivu region is rich in natural resources, including coltan, gold and diamonds, which makes the presence of armed groups have a deeper geopolitical component. Many of the mining operations are in the hands of illicit networks that finance both the M23 and other militias active in the area. The growing demand for these minerals in the context of global technological progress, particularly for the production of electronic devices, lithium batteries and military technology, has intensified the exploitation of these resources at any cost. Large multinational corporations, especially those dedicated to the technology industry, depend on these minerals to sustain their production and maximize their profits, which has encouraged extraction practices at very low cost, regardless of the conditions in which they are obtained.
The involvement of multinational companies in the extraction and marketing of these resources is a key element in the plundering of Congo’s natural wealth. Multiple cases have been documented in which large companies have acquired minerals from mines controlled by armed groups, indirectly contributing to the perpetuation of the conflict. In addition, intermediaries in the supply chain allow these minerals to enter the global market without clear traceability, facilitating impunity for these practices. Despite regulatory initiatives such as the Dodd-Frank Act in the US or the Conflict Minerals Regulation of the European Union, illegal trafficking continues to thrive due to corruption and the lack of effective enforcement of these regulations.
The plundering of natural resources in the DRC is not a recent phenomenon, but a continuation of colonial dynamics that have subjected the country to uncontrolled extraction for the benefit of foreign actors. This reality reinforces the need for sovereign control of these resources by the Congolese, ensuring that their exploitation does not continue to be a source of financing for war, but a path towards the country’s economic and social development.
The response of the powers and the role of the UN
Reactions from international actors have been mixed. The United Nations has expressed concern, but its peacekeeping forces in the region have shown limited ability to stop the rebel advance. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) has around 16,000 troops deployed, but its effectiveness has been repeatedly questioned. In recent years, MONUSCO has been criticized for its inaction in the face of attacks on civilians and its failure to prevent the expansion of the M23.
The United States and the European Union have issued statements of condemnation, but without taking concrete measures to change the balance of power on the ground. Russia, for its part, is watching the development of the conflict with interest, seeking to consolidate its presence in Africa in a context of global competition with the West. In recent years, Moscow has strengthened its relations with several African countries through security and economic cooperation agreements, in an attempt to expand its influence in the Great Lakes region.
The DRC, for its part, faces a crisis of legitimacy and governability. Despite efforts to strengthen its army, estimated at 144,000 troops, the state remains dependent on external support to counter rebel offensives. The lack of a forceful response by the international community reflects the structural disinterest in a region that has historically been exploited by foreign powers.
The impact on the reconfiguration of postcolonial Africa
The M23 offensive in Goma not only affects the Democratic Republic of Congo but is also part of a broader process of transformation within the African continent. In recent decades, Africa has experienced a redefinition of its power structures, with growing resistance to neocolonial domination and a quest for political and economic autonomy. The conflict in eastern Congo is a reflection of these dynamics, in which the interests of regional and international actors collide in a scenario of strategic resources and geopolitical disputes.
The breakdown of the traditional model of Western influence in Africa, symbolized by the erosion of Francafrique and the emergence of new regional alliances, has led to increased polarization within the continent. While countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have opted to distance themselves from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in an attempt to reduce the interference of foreign powers, other nations remain heavily dependent on the West. This geopolitical fracture translates into a reordering of African alliances and increased pressure on the DRC, which is in a strategic position to shape the new balance of power.
The conflict in eastern Congo has also exposed the limitations of African institutions in responding to internal crises. The African Union, historically seen as an instrument for stability on the continent, has shown limited capacity to mediate such conflicts, leading to growing distrust in its effectiveness. At the same time, the interference of external actors such as the United States, Russia and China on the continent has generated geopolitical competition that influences the decision-making of African governments.
From a broader perspective, the struggle in the DRC is an example of the challenge facing Africa in its quest for true sovereignty. The exploitation of natural resources by multinational corporations and the intervention of foreign governments in internal conflicts remain significant obstacles to the continent’s development. However, the rise of pan-Africanist movements and the growing mobilization of African civil society show an alternative path, in which self-determination and control over one’s own resources become central objectives for Africa’s future.
Beyond the immediate conflict, the M23 offensive in Goma must be seen in the context of the geopolitical changes that are redefining the African continent. The fracturing of French influence in West Africa has been accelerated by the emergence of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), made up of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. These countries, after breaking with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), seek to establish a new form of regional cooperation free of Western tutelage.
The weakening of ECOWAS, largely structured under the influence of France and other Western powers, and the consolidation of the ESA mark a turning point in the struggle for African self-determination. In parallel, countries such as Algeria and South Africa have strengthened their anti-imperialist discourse, betting on greater African integration without external interference. The expansion of this new bloc and its distancing from the West create a precedent that could influence other regions of the continent, including the Great Lakes region where the current conflict is taking place.
Towards an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist perspective
From an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist perspective, the crisis in the DRC cannot be understood solely as a question of ethnic conflicts or isolated rebellions. It is, in essence, a manifestation of the structures of domination inherited from colonialism and perpetuated by neocolonialism. The presence of external actors who finance, arm or manipulate internal conflicts responds to geopolitical and economic interests that seek to keep Africa in a subordinate position within the international system.
The advance of the M23 and the reconfiguration of alliances in West Africa demonstrate that the continent is at a turning point. The African people, despite the difficulties and foreign interference, continue to fight for true political and economic sovereignty. The key to the future of the DRC and Africa as a whole lies in the consolidation of structures that allow Africans themselves to define their destiny, without the intervention of foreign interests that only seek to perpetuate their control over the region.
In this regard, there is growing discontent in Congolese society towards foreign interventions, which has led to demonstrations and calls for greater independence in the management of its natural resources. Social movements and civil organizations have taken an active role in denouncing external interference and the role of the great powers in perpetuating the conflict. The struggle for an Africa free of neocolonialism remains a challenge, but also an aspiration shared by many of its peoples.
The current global geopolitical scenario, marked by the transition to a multipolar world, offers new opportunities and challenges for Africa. The growing presence of China, Russia and other emerging players has allowed many African countries to diversify their alliances and reduce their dependence on the West. However, this change does not automatically guarantee a benefit for African peoples, as many of these new relationships are still mediated by strategic and economic interests that are unrelated to local needs.
In this context, the possible re-election of Donald Trump in the United States could mark a new turning point in international politics and, by extension, in Africa. During his first term, Trump showed relative disinterest in the continent, reducing US influence compared to previous administrations. However, in an increasingly polarized world, a new Trump administration could adopt a more aggressive stance in the dispute with China and Russia, which could have repercussions in the DRC and throughout Africa.
The strengthening of regional blocs such as the Alliance of Sahel States (ESA) and the weakening of the influence of ECOWAS reflect the search for alternatives to Western domination. In this sense, the crisis in the Congo is a microcosm of global tensions between traditional powers and new centers of power. The consolidation of a multipolar order could offer African countries greater room for maneuver to negotiate their interests, provided that these processes are accompanied by a genuine desire for self-determination and popular mobilization to avoid falling into new forms of dependency.
The challenge for Africa, and the DRC in particular, is to transform this global transition into an opportunity to establish a sovereign and equitable development model. Ultimately, the struggle for Africa’s economic and political independence remains at the heart of any perspective that aims to dismantle the neocolonial and imperialist structures that have defined the continent’s history.
This text was previously published in Spanish by Pia Global here. Translation to English by UWI.